Article Summary for Literature Review (1)

Guo, X. 2021. Mothering practices across three generations of Chinese women: from liberated woman, virtuous wife and good mother, to intensive full-time mother. Families, relationships and societies. 10(2), pp.269–286. DOI:10.1332/204674320X15992479468071.

Guo (2021)explores the evolution of Mothering Practice( which encompasses both the actual actions of mothers (e.g., feeding, educating and caring for their children) and the cultural expectations and social norms that influence those actions) among three generations of Chinese women, focusing on the changing political, cultural and socio-economic contexts that have shaped different ideologies of motherhood. Using a biographical narrative interview method with twelve families, Guo examines the socio-political contexts in which grandmothers, mothers and daughters experience motherhood at different times - from the socialist push for female labour force participation to more intensive childcare in contemporary China.

The study highlights three dominant ideologies of motherhood:

1. The "Liberated Woman" (great-grandmothers, born in the 1920s-1930s),

   Historical Context:This generation experienced major social changes, including the founding of the People's Republic of China (1949), and the Chinese Communist Party's promotion of socialist gender equality while encouraging both production and reproduction for women.

   Mothering Ideology:The dominant ideology of this generation was ‘liberating women’-emphasising the abandonment of traditional domestic roles in favour of a direct shift to work and public participation. This ideology paradoxically makes women's unpaid domestic work, including child-rearing, invisible and difficult to talk about, while women assigned to childcare are devalued.

   Mothering Practices:Mothers are often expected to contribute to the labour force, and childcare responsibilities are either shared among extended family members such as grandmothers, or given to state-provided childcare and nannies. There is a sense of pride in contributing economically, which often replaces the traditional expectation that mothers take care of their children themselves.

   
   

2. The "Virtuous Wife and Good Mother" (grandmothers, born in the 1950s-1960s),

   Historical Context:This generation was taught early on that men and women were equal, but then went through the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) and the subsequent economic reforms of the late 1970s and 1980s. The difficulties in the job market after the economic reforms also encouraged the revival of the ‘good wife and good mother’ ideology in the 1990s.

   Mothering Ideology:The dominant ideology of this generation is that of the ‘good wife and mother’, with an emphasis on traditional gender roles, particularly those centred on caring for others, taking care of the household and supporting the husband. The focus is on raising a family while adhering to social norms that value female domesticity.

   Mothering Practices:This generation of mothers has assumed the primary role of caregiver and household manager. Since men are usually seen as the breadwinners, they are usually solely responsible for raising their children. This generation faces the challenge of balancing financial responsibilities, and some women still need to work to provide for their families while meeting expectations for domestic care and moral upbringing. Interviewees described their roles as both submissive and passive, describing their primary role as being the breadwinner while sacrificing personal ambitions.

   
   

3. The "intensive mothering" (mothers, born in the 1970s-1980s)

   Historical Context:This generation experienced the effects of the One Child Policy (implemented in 1979), which put added pressure on parents to ensure the success of their only child. They have also been influenced by Western concepts of parenting and the consumer-driven culture of China's economic liberalisation.

   Mothering Ideology:The dominant ideology of this generation is ‘intensive full-time motherhood’. This model of parenting focuses on intensive child-centred care, whereby mothers are expected to invest a great deal of emotional, intellectual and physical resources in the upbringing of their children. Mothers are responsible not only for the material needs of their children, but also for their emotional and educational development.

   Mothering Practices:This generation of mothers is highly involved in all aspects of their children's lives. They participate in educational activities, monitor their children's progress, and are closely involved in their children's emotional lives. Many of these mothers, like Mother Wei in the study, have given up their careers or minimised their professional ambitions to devote themselves to the role of full-time mothers. However, the emphasis on the role of full-time motherhood has also led to increased stress and loneliness, as these mothers feel the pressure to meet society's high expectations for their children's success and often do not receive adequate support from their spouses or communities.

Summarise：

Guo(2021) reveals the complex interaction between continuity and change in the mothering Practice. While each generation adapts to the dominant ideology of its time, an enduring theme is the gendered expectation of caregiving as a primary female responsibility. Significantly, even in times when mothers were engaged in outside work (as in the early socialist period), they continued to carry the burden of ensuring the well-being of their children - often by arranging alternative forms of care, such as extended family or babysitting.

Guo (2021) also highlights the harsh expectations that society has placed on women at different times, starting from the time of great-grandmothers, when women were expected to be prolific and fertile and to take on the same social responsibilities as men, while at the same time household chores were made invisible, devaluing women in the family. By the time of the grandmothers, mothers were required to sacrifice their personal ambitions and social values in order for them to be better able to care for others and take on the primary role of managing the household. At the last few years, the intensification of motherhood has put new pressures on mothers to be highly involved in their children's lives, but with limited systematic support.

Reasons for using: Guo's research provides an important foundation for examining the intergenerational transmission of gender roles and caregiving expectations in Chinese families, and for understanding how mothers play a dynamic role within a restrictive socio-cultural framework. This is particularly relevant to the study of intergenerational trauma and family dynamics as it highlights how historical influences continue to shape present-day maternal behaviour and family relationships.